This library is built in the open.
If you spot an error, have a suggestion, or just want to say hello — we’d love to hear from you.
Philip Schaff & Henry Wace (eds.) · 1908

...the consubstantial Deity of the Spirit, and the unity of their school was to be wrecked in future years upon this point. The fact that Hilary could use such reserved language on this subject must have led them to welcome his alliance the more heartily. Neither he nor they could foresee the future of the doctrine, and both sides must have sincerely thought that they were in agreement. Indeed, on Hilary's part, there was a great willingness to believe in this unity, which led him, as we shall see, into an unfortunate attempt at ecclesiastical diplomacy. Another evidence of contact with this Eastern School, but at its most advanced point, is the remarkable expression, "Only-begotten God," which Hilary "employs with startling freedom, evidently as the natural expression of his own inmost thought 6 Hort, Two Dissertations, p. 27.." Dr. Hort, whose words these are, states that the term is used by Athanasius only twice—once in his youth and once in his old age—but that, on the other hand, it is familiar to two of the Cappadocians, Basil and Gregory of Nyssa. They must have learned it from some Asiatic writer known to Hilary as a contemporary, and to them as a predecessor. And when we find Hilary 7 Trin. viii. 40. rejecting the baptism of heretics, thereby putting himself in opposition to what had been the Roman view for a century (and that of Gaul since the Council of Arles in 314), and then find this opinion echoed by Gregory of Nazianzus 8 Cf. Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, p. 130., we are reminded not only of Hilary’s general independence of thought, but of the fact that St. Cyprian found his stoutest ally in contesting this same point in the Cappadocian Firmilian. A comparison of the two sets of writings would probably lead to the discovery of more coincidences than have yet been noticed. Of the fact itself—"the Semi-Arian influence so visible in the De Synodis of Hilary, and even in his own later work 9 Ib., p. 159. It would not be fair to judge Hilary by the de Synodis alone. The would-be diplomatist, in his eagerness to bring about a reconciliation, is not quite just either to the facts or to his own feelings."—there can be no doubt.
With these affinities, an adequate knowledge of the Greek language, and a strong sympathy—as well as great familiarity—with Greek modes of thought, Hilary found himself in the summer of 356 an exile in Asia Minor. It was exile under the most favorable circumstances. He was still Bishop of Poitiers, recognized as such by the government, which only forbade him (for reasons of state ostensibly not connected with theology) to reside within his diocese. He held free communication with his fellow-bishops in Gaul and was allowed to administer his own diocese, as far as administration by letter was possible, without interruption. His diocese did not forget him. We learn from Sulpicius Severus 1 Chron. ii. 39. that he and the other members of the little band of exiles who had suffered at Arles, Milan, and Béziers were the heroes of the day in their own country. That orthodox bishops should suffer for the Faith was a new thing in the West; we cannot wonder that subsidies were raised for their support and delegations sent to assure them of the sympathy of their flocks. To a man like Hilary—of energy and ability, of recognized episcopal rank, and of unimpeached orthodoxy—the position offered not fewer, but more, opportunities for service than he had previously enjoyed. No restriction was put upon his movements as long as he kept within the wide bounds allotted to him. He had perfect leisure for travel or study, the money needed for his journeys, and something of the glory, which remained very real, with which the confessor was invested. His movements were confined to the very region where he could learn the most concerning the question of the hour and do the most for its solution. In fact, in sending Hilary into such an exile as this, Constantius had done too much, or too little; he had injured, and not advanced, his own favorite cause of unity by way of compromise. In this instance, as in those of Arius and Athanasius and many others, exile became an efficacious means for...